Lawmakers Take Aim at EPA Greenhouse Delay, California Auto Decision

At least U.S. Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Stephen L. Johnson, presumably, still has friends in the executive branch. Because he’s facing some opposition in the other two arenas of government.

The EPA, which this week landed in court action because of Johnson’s decision to take his time to study whether to regulate greenhouse gas emissions, could find itself getting new marching orders from Congress.

Two senators, one a Democrat and the other a Republican, have announced they're backing legislation to set a 60-day deadline for the agency to complete a critical step on the road to restricting climate-changing gases (see press release and text of bill). The measure sponsored by Sens. Dianne Feinstein, D-California (pictured), and Olympia Snow, R-Maine, would also require the EPA to reconsider its denial of California’s attempt to regulate tailpipe emissions believed to contribute to global warming (see previous Climate Law Update story).

The EPA had only a bare-bones response to the announcement.

"We will review any legislation that is passed by Congress," wrote Jonathan Shrader, the agency's press secretary, in an e-mail to Climate Law Update.   

A coalition of states and environmental groups launched a new court fight with the EPA Wednesday over Johnson’s decision to institute a lengthy administrative process to consider what to do in light of last year’s landmark Massachusetts v. EPA decision by the U.S. Supreme Court. That petition, if successful in court, would also set a 60-day deadline for the EPA to issue its so-called endangerment finding, which would set the stage for new regulation of greenhouse gases (see Climate Law Update story).

Snowe’s statement was particularly notable, coming as it did from a Republican:

“The administration has a court-mandated obligation that they can no longer ignore. Their deliberate efforts to delay adherence to the Supreme Court’s decision is reckless and irresponsible. The administration’s response to global warming must coincide with what the science and the American people require.”

Attorneys who spoke with reporters Wednesday describing the legal action said it would have no impact on the decision regarding California’s automobile regulations, despite the fact the Supreme Court ruling dealt with vehicle emissions. But the Feinstein-Snowe legislation would address the issue by setting a June 30, 2009 deadline for the EPA to complete taking another look at the question of California’s efforts to restrict the emissions.

The EPA's action regarding California was in response to the state's attempt to enforce rules implementing a 2002 state law (see description rules and legislation).

(Photo of U.S. Sen. Dianne Feinstein, courtesy of her office)

EPA Chief Lists Reasons for California Waiver Denial

U.S. Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Stephen Johnson, who has been under fire from environmentalists, politicians and even some agency staffers for his decision last year to deny California's greenhouse emissions standards for cars, issued his formal reasoning for the rejection Friday (Feb. 29).

In short, there's nothing so special about the state's problems relating to global warming that means California ought to be able to go it alone in regulating such emissions, according to Johnson. California had sought permission under a section of the Clean Air Act that gives California, and by extension other states, authority to set its own pollution standards for motor vehicles. In a 47-page filing headed for the Federal Register, Johnson (pictured; EPA photograph) wrote his decision was based on his finding that California does not need the standards to meet "compelling and extraordinary conditions":

"While I recognize that global climate change is a serious challenge, I have concluded that section 209(b) [of the Clean Air Act] was intended to allow California to promulgate state standards applicable to emissions from new motor vehicles to address pollution problems that are local or regional. I do not believe section 209(b)(1)(B) was intended to allow California to promulgate state standards for emissions from new motor vehicles designed to address global climate change problems; nor, in the alternative, do I believe that the effects of climate change in California are compelling and extraordinary compared to the effects in the rest of the country. Based on this finding, pursuant to section 209(b)(1) of the Clean Air Act (Act), CARB’s waiver request for its GHG standards for new motor vehicles must be denied."

California, joined by numerous other states  that also want to impose stricter greenhouse gas standards on vehicles, as well as environmentalists who back them, has already sued the EPA to overturn the decision. Johnson's filing brought a sharp rejoinder from one of those states, New York, which also wants to adopt California's standards. New York Attorney General Andrew M. Cuomo issued a statement ripping the administrator's rationale as full of "twisted logic in its outrageous attempt to deny states the right to fight global warming pollution."

The Natural Resources Defense Council, a supporter of California's efforts, issued a statement from David Doniger, the environmental group's lead attorney in the litigation, claiming that Johnson was both legally and factually wrong. Doniger noted that a previous EPA administrator, William Ruckelshaus, found that California need not have a unique plight in order to qualify for a waiver. Nevertheless, Doniger said the state would experience special problems from climate change:

“No other state can claim the same wide range of severe impacts that California will suffer – indeed, already is suffering – more illnesses from heat-enhanced smog levels, dramatic reductions in state’s water supply, more horrendous wildfires, sea level rise, and agricultural losses. The combination and severity of these impacts makes California’s conditions “compelling and extraordinary.” 

The Alliance of Automobile Manufacturers has endorsed Johnson's decision, saying it protects a national approach to the issue.  

In a sense, the battle is being fought over familiar ground. In 2005, the California Air Resources Board, in justifying the regulations, suggested the state had special reason for concern:

"Climate is a central factor in California life. It is at least partially responsible for the State’s rapid population growth in the past 50 years, and largely responsible for the success of industries such as agriculture and tourism. The observed and future effects of climate change on California have been widely studied from a variety of perspectives. The signs of a global warming trend continue to become more evident and much of the scientific debate is now focused on expected rates at which future changes will occur." 

Wall Street Journal: Johnson A Target For Rejecting CA Greenhouse Plan

Johnson

The Wall Street Journal (Feb. 19) recounts the saga of U.S. Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Stephen Johnson (pictured at left), whom it calls a "a rare breed of Washington career" bureaucrat who survived multiple administrations but who now finds himself a target of the Democrats. A key issue: Johnson's decision last December to reject California's attempt to regulate greenhouse gas emissions from motor vehicles.

Johnson, whom the newspaper noted is the "first career EPA employee in the agency's nearly 38- year history to be chosen as its administrator," is also facing another decision, to determine whether greenhouse pollution endangers public health or welfare. If the answer is yes, the Journal reported, the agency would be required by law to regulate "a vast part of U.S. industry." Johnson has not said when he will make that decision.

 

In order to implement its landmark 2002 law limiting automobile climate-changing emissions, California sought a needed a waiver from the EPA. Johnson said. no. The paper summed up the controversy over the California standards this way:

In December, Mr. Johnson angered a swath of environmental interest groups and governors in more than a dozen states, including California Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, by blocking California's efforts to curb greenhouse-gas emissions from automobiles.

In so doing, Mr. Johnson went against the advice of many of his EPA colleagues and delivered a huge victory for auto makers, which feared an onslaught of costly new state regulations. That decision has triggered a lawsuit by California and more than a dozen other states, as well as multiple congressional investigations seeking to determine how Mr. Johnson reached his conclusion.

The agency's lawyers told Mr. Johnson last year that California had a compelling need for the waiver, and that the EPA was likely to lose in court if sued over denying it, according to congressional aides who were allowed to see an internal EPA presentation turned over to a House committee under subpoena. The EPA asked the panel not to copy or disseminate the documents, saying they could be cited in litigation and "potentially impede the government's ability to defend its actions."

Despite the fact that some Republicans, including Schwarzenegger, disagreed with the determination, the paper reported that Johnson's sharpest critics have been Democrats.

The paper also reprised a controversy that erupted after Johnson spoke at a Republican fund-raising event "attended by representatives of various companies with business before the EPA. The event occurred at the offices of the former law firm of the disgraced lobbyist Jack Abramoff, whose crimes were a major campaign issue in 2006." Despite criticism by Democrats, the U.S. Office of Special Counsel recently concluded Johnson had not broken any federal law, the Journal reported.