Lawmakers Take Aim at EPA Greenhouse Delay, California Auto Decision

At least U.S. Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Stephen L. Johnson, presumably, still has friends in the executive branch. Because he’s facing some opposition in the other two arenas of government.

The EPA, which this week landed in court action because of Johnson’s decision to take his time to study whether to regulate greenhouse gas emissions, could find itself getting new marching orders from Congress.

Two senators, one a Democrat and the other a Republican, have announced they're backing legislation to set a 60-day deadline for the agency to complete a critical step on the road to restricting climate-changing gases (see press release and text of bill). The measure sponsored by Sens. Dianne Feinstein, D-California (pictured), and Olympia Snow, R-Maine, would also require the EPA to reconsider its denial of California’s attempt to regulate tailpipe emissions believed to contribute to global warming (see previous Climate Law Update story).

The EPA had only a bare-bones response to the announcement.

"We will review any legislation that is passed by Congress," wrote Jonathan Shrader, the agency's press secretary, in an e-mail to Climate Law Update.   

A coalition of states and environmental groups launched a new court fight with the EPA Wednesday over Johnson’s decision to institute a lengthy administrative process to consider what to do in light of last year’s landmark Massachusetts v. EPA decision by the U.S. Supreme Court. That petition, if successful in court, would also set a 60-day deadline for the EPA to issue its so-called endangerment finding, which would set the stage for new regulation of greenhouse gases (see Climate Law Update story).

Snowe’s statement was particularly notable, coming as it did from a Republican:

“The administration has a court-mandated obligation that they can no longer ignore. Their deliberate efforts to delay adherence to the Supreme Court’s decision is reckless and irresponsible. The administration’s response to global warming must coincide with what the science and the American people require.”

Attorneys who spoke with reporters Wednesday describing the legal action said it would have no impact on the decision regarding California’s automobile regulations, despite the fact the Supreme Court ruling dealt with vehicle emissions. But the Feinstein-Snowe legislation would address the issue by setting a June 30, 2009 deadline for the EPA to complete taking another look at the question of California’s efforts to restrict the emissions.

The EPA's action regarding California was in response to the state's attempt to enforce rules implementing a 2002 state law (see description rules and legislation).

(Photo of U.S. Sen. Dianne Feinstein, courtesy of her office)

States, Environmental Groups Sue EPA to Trigger Greenhouse Regs

A legal action led by Massachusetts and supported by 17 other states and nearly a dozen environmental organizations was launched Wednesday to force the Environmental Protection Agency to issue a critical document that would trigger nationwide regulation of greenhouse gases.

The new move, in the form of a petition for a writ of mandamus, was filed in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. It sought to require the EPA to put forward its formal determination of whether emissions of the climate-changing gases endanger the public’s health or welfare. Such an “endangerment” finding, the filing  charged, has already been made but it is being withheld (see text).

“It is a necessary and critical step, which is why the administration is making its stand there,” said David Bookbinder, chief climate attorney for the Sierra Club, one of the groups filing the action, during a nationwide conference call with reporters. “They know once the endangerment finding is made they’re obligated to begin controlling greenhouse gases.”

He acknowledged that no final regulation was likely to be in place until after a new administration comes into office. However, he and others said that it was important to move forward now to get the process started.

“Time is not on our side,” said James Milkey, chief of the environmental protection division under Massachusetts Attorney General Martha Coakley (pictured).

 

Joining Massachusetts as parties were California, Connecticut, Illinois, Maine, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Oregon, Rhode Island, Vermont, Washington, the District of Columbia, the city of New York and the government officials of Baltimore. A number of other states also came in as friends-of-the-court in support of the filing. Many of the nation’s largest environmental groups also came on board, including the Natural Resources Defense Council, Environmental Defense Fund and the Center for Biological Diversity.

The latest action came on the one-year anniversary of the U.S. Supreme Court’s landmark Massachusetts v. EPA decision holding that the agency had the authority to regulate the emissions as pollutants under the Clean Air Act. The high court’s ruling did not outright require the agency to issue regulations but it told the EPA it had to consider such issues as whether the public health might be threatened. The ruling came in the context of regulating emissions from motor vehicles but no one believes the implications stop there.

Last week, EPA Administrator Stephen L. Johnson cited the broad potential of a decision to regulate in the area when he informed lawmakers he would take more time to consider the decision under an administrative procedure that could take months to complete. That announcement set off a wave of criticism from Democrats and environmental groups that culminated in Wednesday’s court action. But it also drew praise from some in industry (see previous Climate Law Update stories here and here).

Not all the critics were Democrats. California's Republican Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger issued a statement Wednesday (see text) chastising the EPA for having "failed to lead" and pledging that the state is "prepared to force it out of the way in order to porect the environment."

In an e-mail to Climate Law Update, Jonathan Shradar, the EPA’s press secretary, said the agency would continue working on the process laid out by Johnson, “taking into account all sources of GHG emission and realizing the best approach for dealing with climate issues.” Shrader characterized the rule-making procedure announced by Johnson as “a reasonable path forward.” 

Advocates of government regulation have not missed the larger implications, either. Bookbinder noted that petitions have already been filed with the EPA seeking to regulate emissions from such sources as power plants. One heated controversy involves a Utah coal-fired power plant for which the EPA issued a permit that is now being appealed by environmentalists, including the Sierra Club, citing the Supreme Court decision (see Climate Law Update story).

Said Milkey:

“While the petition we filed today is specific to motor vehicles, the same logic also applies to power plants. That is, if motor vehicle emissions are causing endangerment then certainly power plant emissions are doing so and EPA has an obligation to regulate them under the Clean Air Act.”

California Attorney General Jerry Brown, who also signed on to the writ, suggested that forcing the EPA to issue its finding would have important ramifications for the national conversation over climate change:

“If this administration says that greenhouse gases endanger public health, then that’s something. That’s an important step that prevents somewhat their continuing obfuscation of this whole matter of global warming.”

The filing puts the case back in the hands of a court that had previously agreed with the EPA’s decision that it lacked the authority to regulate greenhouse emissions (see text of ruling). It was that decision the Supreme Court overturned last year. Bookbinder said the District of Columbia court is where the case started and “they’ll be the one whose job it is to enforce the Supreme Court’s mandate.”

Brown seemed to acknowledge the case might be headed into unfriendly territory.

“There’s some right-wing judges that were put on there and, you know, they have their own view of the world,” he said. He quickly added: “We’re hopeful the strength of the case is so clear that we have a good chance, although we recognize the realities that pertain in present-day Washington.”

(Photo of Massachusetts Attorney General Martha Coakley via Wikipedia)

States, Enviros to Take Legal Action Against EPA over Greenhouse Delay

No surprise in this, except perhaps for the quick timing, but last week’s decision by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency to go slow on regulating greenhouse gases looks like it's landing the agency back in court.

California Attorney General Jerry Brown, along with attorneys representing the state of Massachusetts, the Sierra Club and others are expected to announce Wednesday new legal action to force the EPA to move forward. The action coincides with the one-year anniversary of the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in Massachusetts v. EPA, which held that the agency had the authority to regulate greenhouse gas emissions as pollutants under the Clean Air Act. In a statement, Brown’s office said Tuesday the legal maneuver would be taken to force the EPA “to obey” the decision.    

EPA Administrator Stephen L. Johnson (pictured) sparked the ire of Democrats and environmentalists – and the praise of industry groups – by announcing that he wanted to avoid “rushing to judgment” on the issue. He laid out an administrative process to study the matter, citing the fact the EPA’s decision could have widespread ramifications beyond automobiles, which had been the immediate focus of the Supreme Court decision (see previous Climate Law Update stories here and here).

Critics of Johnson's move said it virtually guaranteed that the EPA would not act during the remainder of President Bush’s term in office, and threats to take the agency back to court flowed freely. The statement from Brown’s office Tuesday charged the EPA had extended “the time period another twelve months” until Bush leaves the White House.

Tuesday's announcement did not say specifically what legal avenue Brown and “dozens of states and national environmental groups” planned to take. But it said their action would be aimed at stopping the EPA “from continuing to ignore the Supreme Court.”

The Supreme Court ruling did not require the agency to issue regulations but it told the EPA it had to consider such issues as whether public health was endangered.

A spokesman for the EPA could not be reached for comment Tuesday.

(Photo of Stephen L. Johnson, courtesy EPA)

Manufacturers Agree with EPA Go-Slow Approach

Stephen L. Johnson, the administrator of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, might be feeling a bit besieged after the reaction to his decision to go slow on regulating greenhouse gases. But he’s still got friends in the industrial community and elsewhere.

“I think he made a very sensible move,” Hank Cox, a spokesman for the National Association of Manufacturers, told Climate Law Up date Friday. The association, headed by former Michigan Gov. John Engler (pictured), has itself been urging a cautious approach to addressing climate change and it recently released a study warning of major economic and employment losses if Congress enacts legislation such as the Lieberman-Warner bill (see recent Climate Law Update story), which would establish a national emissions cap-and-trade system.

Johnson provoked outrage among Democrats and environmental organizations when he informed lawmakers he was going to take more time to study the regulation of greenhouse gases before acting. Some critics accused the Bush administration of acting according to an “industry script” on the issue.

Johnson’s action came nearly a year after a 2007 U.S. Supreme Court decision, Massachusetts v. EPA, which said the agency had the authority to regulate the emissions believed to contribute to global warming as pollutants, and it ordered its officials to look into such questions as whether the gases pose a threat to people. Critics threatened a new round of legal action to force the EPA to move on the issue (see Thursday’s Climate Law Update story).

Cox said he believed his organization made its views known to the EPA before Johnson announced his decision Thursday.

“I’m sure we did,” Cox said.

Cox said the manufacturers’ organization was not trying to dispute evidence that the planet is getting warmer. But he said officials run the risk of creating “economic havoc” in the country, especially in light of what other nations, such as China, are doing to move forward with fossil plants. Burning such fuels, such as coal and oil, produces carbon dioxide and other greenhouse pollutants.

“There’s a limit in how fast we can move our energy mix away from fossil fuels,” Cox said. He said there is already a virtual moratorium on the construction of new coal plants in the United States, a situation he said could easily produce power shortages in a few years.

Critics of the trade association’s economic analysis of global warming legislation have knocked it for, among other alleged shortcomings, looking only at the costs of reducing emissions but not the cost of inaction, potentially leading to unbridled climate change. But Cox, who said society must “wean” itself off of fossil fuels and toward other energy sources such as rewewables, said it will take a viable economy to be able to deal with the problem.

“If you shut down the economy,” Cox said, “that will take people’s minds off global warming quickly.”

 Another group that was apparently pleased with Johnson’s decision was the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank. The Los Angeles Times reported that official of the organization said it had spent months sending detailed legal analyses and memos to government officials noting the Supreme Court decision could have widespread impacts on businesses. An EPA spokesman, the paper reported, said Johnson had acted independently.

EPA Avoids 'Rush to Judgment' on Greenhouse Gases, Sparks Court Threats

U.S. Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Stephen L. Johnson, declaring that he wanted to avoid “rushing to judgment on a single issue,” informed lawmakers Thursday he'll be taking additional time to study the critical issue of whether to regulate greenhouse gas emissions. Outraged critics, including Sen. Barbara Boxer (pictured), said the move makes it virtually certain no action will be taken during the remainder of President Bush's term in office.

Johnson, in a letter to key members of Congress (see text), outlined an administrative procedure that would ramp up this spring and would then be followed by a period in which the public could comment. It was not immediately known how long the process would take to produce a final decision, although skeptics predicted it would push any ultimate determination into the next administration. Environmental groups vowed to return to court to force the agency to act.

The announcement, coming nearly a year after the U.S. Supreme Court in its landmark Massachusetts v. EPA ruling held the agency had the authority to regulate the gases as pollutants under the Clean Air Act, immediately provoked the condemnation of environmentalists and others. The Supreme Court ruling did not require the agency to issue regulations but it told the EPA it had to consider such issues as whether public health was endangered. While the ruling came in the context of regulating emissions from motor vehicles but many now want the EPA to wield broad control over substances believed to contribute to climate change, from whatever source.

Johnson, in the letter to Boxer, the California Democrat who chairs the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee, and Sen. James Inhofe, the committee’s ranking Republican from Oklahoma, seemed to acknowledge a decision to regulate could have wide ramifications:

"Such an approach makes sense because, as the Act is structured, any regulation of
greenhouse gases - even from mobile sources - could automatically result in other regulations applying to stationary sources and extend to small sources including many not previously regulated under the Clean Air Act. Consequently, any individual decision on whether and how sources and gases should be regulated may dictate future regulatory actions to address climate change. My approach will allow EPA to solicit public input and relevant information regarding these interconnections and their possible regulatory requirements.

"This approach gives the appropriate care and attention this complex issue demands. It
will also allow us to use existing work. Rather than rushing to judgment on a single issue, this approach allows us to examine all the potential effects of a decision with the benefit of the public's insight. In short, this process will best serve the American public."

But Johnson in his letter also noted that his agency is facing legal action and petitions on the issue. Among them, although he did not mention it specifically, is an attempt by a number of organizations to impose greenhouse gas controls on a proposed Utah power plant (see Climate Law Update story).

The latest move follows by weeks Johnson’s issuance of his formal reasons for turning down California’s attempt to regulate greenhouse gas emissions from motor vehicles, in a move that also has raised hackles on Capitol Hill and among environmentalists (see Climate Law Update story).  

In his letter Thursday, Johnson wrote that he would direct the EPA staff to prepare an "Advance Notice of Proposed Rulemaking" to "discuss and solicit public input on these interrelated matters." That document would be issued later this spring and then would be followed by a public comment period. "The agency will then consider how to best respond to the Supreme Court decision and its implications under the Clean Air Act," he wrote.

Officials in Johnson's office did not return a call from Climate Law Update seeking comment on the latest move. 

Boxer, an outspoken environmental advocate, issued a statement accusing Johnson of "foot-dragging." She said the letter "makes it clear that EPA doesn't intend to take any real action to combat global warming before President Bush leaves office."

Aides to Inhofe, who has called global warming “the most media-hyped issue of all time,” could not be reached for comment Thursday.

Environmental groups and California government officials ripped Johnson. Said David Bookbinder, chief climate counsel for the Sierra Club, in a written statement (see press release):

"One year after the Supreme Court recognized the grave problem of climate change and ordered EPA to take the formal steps necessary to begin controlling global warming-causing pollution, Administrator Johnson has decided that what he needs to do is think about it some more.  After a year of navel-gazing, Administrator Johnson says that later this spring he will ask the public to provide EPA with (a) the "best available science" on global warming, and (b) their views on the "interconnections" between various parts of the Clean Air Act that "may" be affected by any decision to begin limiting GHG emissions.  Then, after months of public comments and some unspecified period thinking about them -- and only then -- will EPA "consider how best to respond to the Supreme Court decision and its implications under the Clean Air Act."

The Natural Resources Defense Council also weighed in (see press release), with a statement by David Hawkins, the environmental group’s climate center director. Hawkins said the announcement “follows an industry script designed to delay any real action to reduce global warming pollution for as long as possible and certainly until the next administration.”

Both Hawkins and Bookbinder threatened new court action. Hawkins said the NRDC would, as part of a coalition of groups, “return to federal court next week to enforce compliance with the Supreme Court’s decision.”

The negative reaction was not limited to environmental groups. Stanley Young, a spokesman for the California Air Resources Board, told Climate Law Update the "EPA's inaction heaps delay upon delay." However, he said the air board would continue moving forward with implementing California's own greenhouse gas reduction law, AB 32.

Kenneth Alex, a top lawyer for California Attorney General Jerry Brown, in an interview with Climate Law Update, said the latest move was part of “an ongoing abdication of responsibility and it’s nothing new.” Brown has been aggressively moving to require local governments and private entities in California to take steps to curb greenhouse emissions.

“In essence,” said Alex, a supervising deputy attorney general, “they’ve opened a public comment period on nothing.”

(Photo: Sen. Barbara Boxer via official Web site)

Coal Wars Heat Up: Kansas, Utah Become Battlegrounds

The coal war, it seems, is heating up by the day. And the battlegrounds are not always in places commonly associated with aggressive environmentalism

Take Kansas and Utah, for instance.

The Kansas City star reports that lawmakers are trying to revive a modified version of a bill vetoed last week by Kansas Gov. Kathleen Sebelius that would have allowed construction of two new coal-fired plants over the greenhouse gas-related opposition of a state regulator.  Among her objections was the lack of support for wind power in the legislation (see text of vetoed bill and Sebelius press release with attached veto message). 

Farther west, a dispute over a proposed new coal plant in Utah is creating a legal vortex drawing industry, environmentalists and other states, including California, into a debate over the extent of the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency’s authority to regulate emissions blamed for climate change.

All of this comes against a background of work in Congress on greenhouse legislation that would establish a market system for reducing emissions (cited by Sebelius), and more coal-specific developments, including a recent decision by a federal agency to back away from funding such projects (see recent Climate Law Update story). Lawmakers are also working on other federal legislation that would allow new coal plants to move forward only if they can capture and store the vast majority of their carbon emissions (see press release and text of bill).

Backers of the Kansas bill had noted that it included other provisions that could have boosted other elements of the state’s renewable industry. Builders of the project also included plans for a bioenergy center that would capture some of the carbon dioxide and used it to grow algae for fuel.

But in her public statement and veto message, Sebelius cited not only the threat of climate change to her agricultural state but also the potential for federal legislation, which she did not specifically name, that would “have the net impact of taxing carbon.” That description could apply to proposals such as the Lieberman-Warner bill that would establish a cap-and-trade program for greenhouse emissions. Sebelius said the new plants permitted under the Kansas bill would have produced 11 million new tons of carbon every year. Building new coal plants “is likely to create a significant economic liability for Kansas in the future.”

She also had this to say about wind generation:

“I am encouraged that the Legislature made a modest attempt to address some of our alternative energy assets, but this bill fails to promote our wind assets and sends the wrong signal to potential investors for transmission lines and additional wind power.

“The new feature of net-metering does not include wind power which could have served as a powerful incentive to individuals and communities to embrace our most abundant natural resource.”

Sebelius also signed an executive order (see text) creating a new advisory group to explore strategies for reducing greenhouse emissions and protecting the economy. She named Jack Pelton, president of Cessna Aircraft Company, to head the group.

In a statement, Earl Watkins, president of Sunflower Electric Power Corporation, one of the companies that had hoped to build the 1,400-megawatt project, said the veto would “unnecessarily raise electric rates” for the state’s residents (see project description).

“We are experiencing significant growth on the Sunflower system, and we must add new coal generation to support our existing natural gas and wind generation assets,” Watkins said.

The Utah conflagration brewed up over the EPA's issuance last August of a permit allowing Deseret Power Electric Cooperative to add a 110-megawatt unit to its existing Bonanza power plant. Such "prevention of significant deterioration" permits are issued for larged stationary facilities. The decision came just months after the U.S. Supreme Court weighed in on the issue of the EPA’s authority to regulate greenhouse emissions in its Massachusetts v. EPA decision. Although the court held that greenhouse gases could be regulated as air pollutants, the EPA has yet to decide what to do.

Citing that ruling, which came in the context of a dispute over automobile emissions, the environmentalists including the Sierra Club appealed the decision through the agency’s internal processes. Those groups claim the EPA must establish new controls on carbon dioxide emissions for the project. From the Sierra Club brief (see text here):

“On April 2, 2007, the Supreme Court held that carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases are ‘pollutants’ under the Clean Air Act. Massachusetts v. EPA, 127 S.Ct. at 1460. Now having been definitively ruled a pollutant, [carbon dioxide] is accordingly a regulated pollutant under the act and EPA is required to impose [carbon dioxide best available control technology] emission limits in the Bonanza [prevention of significant deterioration] permit.”

The EPA, however, has maintained that carbon dioxide “is not currently a pollutant regulated" under the federal Clean Air Act. In its response to the appeal, the agency cited a 1993 memorandum in which its attorneys concluded carbon dioxide was not subject to the EPA’s regulatory authority.

Last week, a coalition of trade groups representing a cross-section of energy and manufacturing, weighed in against the environmentalists’ position. In a brief (see text here) to the EPA the groups argued that the Supreme Court decision addressed only the government’s authority to regulate emissions from new motor vehicles. A finding requiring them to be covered for facilities such as Utah’s, they argued, would cause “a huge expansion of the number of sources and activities” that would require permits, which officials would not have the resources to process.

Quentin Riegel, deputy general counsel for the National Association of Manufacturers, one of the groups filing the brief, in a statement predicted “an impassable regulatory gridlock” would develop if the Sierra Club won.

But the environmental groups also had powerful allies. In another brief, eight states, including California, New York and Massachusetts, backed the environmental groups. They argued that the Supreme Court ruling “conclusively” established the EPA’s authority to regulate greenhouse emissions for the project and that the 1993 interpretation “did not survive” the court ruling.

See the EPA’s docket, with links to all the filings in the matter, here.

(Official press photo: Gov. Kathleen Sebelius)